Georgia stands at a pivotal moment in its modern history. Since late October this year, protests against the government’s suppression of the opposition, election rigging, and suspension of the country’s EU membership talks have evolved into nationwide outrage resisting the authoritarian regime imposed by the Georgian Dream (GD) party. Unlike previous demonstrations, such as those opposing the Russian-style “foreign agents” law aimed at undermining civil society in early 2024, today’s protests embody something far greater: a collective uprising against a regime seen as betraying the country’s democratic aspirations and European future.
These events reflect a broader paradigmatic battle for democracy in the strategically crucial Caucasus region, which falls within the geopolitical interests of authoritarian powers like Russia, Turkey, Iran, and, more recently, China. Georgia’s struggle for democracy echoes far beyond its borders, rekindling hope for freedom in a world increasingly shaped by the rise of authoritarianism. The international community must recognize the importance of supporting the protesters, as every victory against authoritarian regimes counts in a steadily shrinking democratic world.
Context: Democratic Decline
Since gaining independence in 1991, Georgia’s nation-building has been anchored in the promise of modernization and distancing itself from its Soviet past. This trajectory became clearer after the 2003 Rose Revolution, which established a political consensus around Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations.
The Georgian Dream (GD) government, which came to power in 2012, officially continued following this constitutionally guaranteed path. The GD coalition, established by billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili—who amassed his wealth in Russia during the 1990s—claimed to be committed to pursuing democratic reforms in judicial, economic, and other key spheres while fostering EU and NATO integration. There was even a dedicated ministry to facilitate Georgia’s European aspirations.
However, democratic erosion became evident as the Georgian Dream gradually consolidated power through illiberal and right-wing policies targeting free media, NGOs, the LGBTQ+ community, and minorities (religious, ethnic, and immigrants). These measures were informed and fueled by Kremlin-backed disinformation and propaganda promoting the defense of national culture, traditions and values against Western liberalism. Already in 2014 liberal and reform-oriented parties left the Georgian Dream coalition.
Over the past two years, growing authoritarian tendencies, warming relations with Moscow which occupies Abkhazia and South Ossetia/Tskhinvali Regions (20% of Georgian territory), and suppression of dissent have become more apparent. The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 marked a pivotal moment solidifying Georgian Dream’s authoritarian policies. Instead of supporting sanctions against Putin’s regime or showing solidarity with Ukraine—despite Russia’s occupation of Georgian territory—the Georgian Dream party intensified its anti-Western rhetoric. It labeled Western allies, Ukraine, and the liberal Georgian opposition as the “global war party,” accusing them of attempting to drag Georgia into a conflict with Russia.
This shift likely reflected a deliberate move by Bidzina Ivanishvili’s party to abandon even the pretense of democratic and pro-Western alignment. Numerous reports and commentators emphasize that Georgia has become a hub for Russian sanctions evasion, including facilitating the transfer of war-related machinery. The restoration of direct flights between Tbilisi and Moscow indicated warming relations with Russia. Alarmingly, Georgian Dream has increasingly focused on expanding and forging closer ties with China and Iran.
This year has been marked by decisive illiberal legislative moves by the Georgian Dream (GD) government. In May 2024, Georgia passed the “Foreign Agents Law,” mirroring Putin’s legal tools against dissent, requiring media and NGOs receiving over 20% of foreign funding to register as foreign-influenced organizations. The law targets Western-backed organizations and allows the collection of sensitive personal data.
In September 2024, the Georgian Parliament approved the “Law on Family Values and Protection of Minors,” regulating marriage, adoption, gender identity, education, and public demonstrations, while designating May 17 as a day honoring family sanctity.
In addition, the ruling party passed an “offshore assets” law, enabling oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili to conceal his wealth more easily. The party disregarded EU-mandated electoral reform and appointed a loyal candidate as a head of the election commission. These and other legal actions by the Georgian Dream (GD) government marked a dramatic shift toward authoritarianism and a return to Russia’s geopolitical orbit.
The Turning Point: What Sparked Georgia’s Nationwide Uprising
The October 28, 2024, parliamentary elections in Georgia were marred by allegations of fraud, sparking widespread public discontent. Georgian Dream (GD) ran a fear-based campaign, warning of a coming war and a potential second front with Russia if voters supported the opposition. Its central promise was to eliminate so-called “liberal fascist” opposition and purge the political landscape of perceived enemies of Georgia.
Election day was plagued by widespread violations, including ballot stuffing, multiple voting, voter intimidation, threats against election monitors, vote-buying, breaches of ballot secrecy, “carousel” voting schemes, and statistical anomalies.
The official results contradicted reliable international exit polls predicting an opposition victory. GD claimed a 53% win, which was reflected in the official results issued by the Election Administration of Georgia. Most international organizations and countries, except for a few like Hungary, refused to recognize the election results.
Opposition parties and President Salome Zurabishvili denounced the election outcomes. The president appealed to the Constitutional Court to challenge the results. However, GD’s loyalist-packed Constitutional Court dismissed the appeals, enabling GD to convene the new parliamentary session and form a government.
Despite lacking approval from the president and opposition parties, and amid calls for an international investigation into alleged violations and fraud, Georgian Dream intensified its repression of political opponents, civil society, and the media, further consolidating its hold on power.
On November 28, the so-called “de-facto” Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze announced the suspension of Georgia’s EU accession talks until 2028, dealing a severe blow to the nation’s pro-Western political and symbolic imaginary. This bold move marked the culmination of Georgian Dream’s authoritarian shift. Shortly after, Russian President Vladimir Putin praised GD’s “brave decision” to resist Western pressure, further inflaming public rage and reinforcing perceptions of the government as a “Russian puppet.”
The public’s reaction was swift and unprecedented. Spontaneous, nationwide grassroots protests transcended political divides. What began as a small gathering near Parliament quickly swelled to tens of thousands of demonstrators, united by anger and a shared sense of betrayal.
Major opposition parties coordinated efforts under the leadership of President Salome Zurabishvili to counter what they framed as Georgian Dream’s “constitutional coup.” For many, resisting Georgian Dream’s regime has become a matter of survival for the country’s democratic institutions and its European future.
Overall, the reality is that Georgian Dream has steadily tightened its grip on power by seizing control of key state institutions, agencies, and regulatory bodies including the judiciary and the Election Administration of Georgia. Only the presidency did not fall under the party’s influence until December 14, 2024. On that day, Georgian Dream (GD) proceeded with the election of a new president through its electoral college, an act that President Zurabishvili, opposition parties, civil society and the broader public consider unlawful, carried out by an “illegitimate” parliament aiming to capture this institution as well. Zurabishvili has vowed to continue acting as president until a new legitimate parliament is elected. A particularly outrageous moment in this process was GD’s nomination of a former soccer player with no formal education as a presidential candidate. The public widely views this as an open insult to society by Ivanishvili, who allegedly seeks a puppet president under his control.
The Anatomy of Protest
The ongoing protests differ fundamentally from earlier large-scale demonstrations. Unlike previous mass rallies, this primarily grassroots, citizen-led uprising against a self-imposed ruling elite has no designated political or public leaders, organized stages, or formal political speeches.
The protests erupted simultaneously and spread nationwide, involving both major cities and small towns, including Tbilisi, Batumi, Telavi, Kutaisi, Zugdidi, Khashuri, and other regional districts. The driving force behind the protests is the youth—teenagers, university students, and young professionals. However, the movement thrives on intergenerational solidarity, with people of all ages, professions, and backgrounds.
The protests unfold as acts of non-violent civil disobedience, even during direct confrontations with the police. Demonstrators are equipped with gas masks and employ innovative tactics, including tracking police movements through specially designed apps, neutralizing tear gas, and deploying fireworks, while avoiding destructive actions such as using Molotov cocktails or engaging in vandalism.
The level of self-organization, solidarity, and collective creativity is remarkable. Protesters raise funds to sustain continuous demonstrations, providing food and shelter for those coming from the regions.
Numerous acts of care and mutual support have been seen: helping each-other to wash tear-gas-affected faces, young protesters shielding elderly demonstrators from water cannons, rescuing detained protesters from the police, and many other examples of solidarity in action.
State of Fear: Exposing Unprecedented State Violence
The demonstrations have revealed that the Georgian Dream is determined to use violent means to crush peaceful protests. State-controlled media extensively disseminates anti-EU propaganda and demonizes the protests. Following Russia’s disinformation playbook, they justify violent crackdowns by portraying protesters as provocateurs, foreign agents, and threats to national stability attempting to stage a coup against the government.
Heavily armed, black-clad forces alongside riot police attack peaceful protesters. These masked, so-called “robo-cops,” operating without identifying insignia, use tear gas, water cannons, and beatings, targeting peaceful demonstrators.
There are also undefined squads called “titushki”—a term borrowed from Ukraine’s Maidan protests—operating alongside police. They chase, ambush, and assault protesters with impunity. Instead of intervening, police often stand by as peaceful demonstrators are attacked and beaten.
Another alarming development is the pursuit of demonstrators outside protest sites. The police kidnap and imprison professionals such as scholars, doctors, and others identified as active participants in protests. The authorities particularly target activists, youth leaders, journalists, and public figures to decapitate and neutralize the protest movements. However, these attempts seem futile as the protests grow stronger every day.
Repression extends beyond the streets into organizations, civil society, media outlets, and private residences.
Police have raided opposition parties’ and NGOs’ offices. Individuals deemed suspicious by the regime face fabricated charges and arbitrary detentions. Some activists were apprehended at home in front of their families.
The regime’s campaign of fear and intimidation continues even in broad daylight. A fellow of the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies (Rondeli Foundation) was kidnapped while walking his dog. A cardiologist was forcibly taken from his car by police.
Detainees have faced severe abuse, beatings, and humiliation—both during transportation in police vehicles and later in detention centers. Hundreds of protesters reportedly subjected to inhumane treatment, often described as torture in various reports. Many have suffered facial fractures, broken ribs, and, in extreme cases, life-threatening conditions.
Notable cases include the cruel treatment of a journalist from the opposition TV channel “Formula,” who suffered a neck fracture. The leader of the political party “Akhali,” Nika Gavramia, lost consciousness while being detained in front of his office. These violent acts were broadcast live on TV.
Despite harsh and unprecedented crackdowns, protesters project inexhaustible energy and demonstrate resilience. Furthermore, the Georgian Dream’s brutal suppression of the peaceful demonstrations has caused growing cracks and discontent within government institutions, the civil service, and the diplomatic corps. Hundreds of civil servants from key ministries, including Finance, Justice, Education, Defense, and the National Bank, condemned the government’s actions, reaffirming their support for Georgia’s European aspirations.
Universities suspended lectures to join the protests. Hundreds of diplomats warned in a joint statement that abandoning EU accession threatens Georgia’s strategic interests and violates constitutional obligations.
Several ambassadors, including those to the USA, Bulgaria, Czechia, the Netherlands, and Italy, resigned in protest against the government’s anti-European stance.
Resistance is spreading across professions, including artists, business representatives, teachers, and sailors. According to some reports, there is unrest even among riot police unwilling to enforce repression.
Conclusion: Between Struggles and Hopes
In this critical moment, growing domestic and international calls urge the EU and the U.S. to reject Georgia’s contested parliamentary election results and demand an independent investigation into electoral complaints. Proposals include imposing targeted sanctions and travel bans on Bidzina Ivanishvili, Georgian Dream leaders, and key officials in special and security forces orchestrating the violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrations.
In December, the U.S. had already implemented visa restrictions on nearly twenty Georgian Dream officials and police officers, with further sanctions expected. Several countries, including Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Ukraine, have taken unilateral action by sanctioning key figures tied to Ivanishvili’s regime.
Hopeful messages of solidarity are amplifying. On December 10, 2024, Hillary Clinton and other prominent women leaders including Helen Clark (Former Prime Minister of New Zealand), Patricia Espinosa (Former Foreign Minister of Mexico), Julia Gillard (Former Prime Minister of Australia), Dalia Grybauskaitė (Former President of Lithuania), Sanna Marin (Former Prime Minister of Finland), Mary Robinson (Former President of Ireland) issued an open letter supporting the Georgian people and President Salome Zurabichvili. They underscored Georgia’s significance as a critical battleground in the global struggle between democracy and authoritarianism.
Reaffirming this stance, French President Emmanuel Macron addressed the Georgian people on December 13, urging them to stay committed to their European path. He criticized repression, media censorship, and harassment of opposition figures while emphasizing that Georgia’s EU aspirations, enshrined in its Constitution, must not be abandoned.
As resistance unfolds in a region of direct geopolitical and symbolic interest to Russia, a democratic breakthrough in Georgia could trigger far-reaching consequences near Moscow, the epicenter of modern illiberalism and authoritarianism. It would also deal a significant blow to Vladimir Putin, particularly in light of the fall of the Russian-backed Assad regime in Syria.
A victorious Georgian resistance would serve as a beacon of hope for societies worldwide battling for democracy in the shadow of authoritarian power.
Malkhaz Toria (Ph.D. 2009) is an Associate Professor of history and the director of the Memory Studies Center in the Caucasus at Ilia State University (Tbilisi, Georgia). He is also a doctoral candidate in sociology at the New School for Social Research (NYC, The USA). His research interests focus on theories of history and the epistemology of historical knowledge; Tsarist and Soviet imperial legacies and the politics of identity, belonging, and boundary-making in contemporary Georgia; politics of memory and dealing with the totalitarian past in post-Soviet societies; modern museology and memorial culture; the instrumentalization of history and politics of exclusion and ethnic cleansing in Georgia’s breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia/Tskhinvali. He has held fellowships (Fulbright, DAAD, OSF, etc.) at the New School for Social Research, Central European University (CEU), Leibniz-Zentrum für Literatur- und Kulturforschung (ZfL), Humboldt University of Berlin, University of California, Berkeley, the Harriman Institute of Columbia University and the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Harvard University.
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Point of No Return: Georgia’s Democratic Uprising